thelastaxolotl

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[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 66 points 2 days ago* (last edited 2 days ago) (7 children)

The left in chile is having their primary election to choose who would be the coalitions candidate for presidency, it looks like the candidate of the communist party is in the lead but still the vote are still being counted

article in spanish

Looks like she won

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 9 points 2 days ago

I remember i joined Chapo.chat like a few months after the ban because there was a pinned post in dankleft

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 2 points 3 days ago

Ultimate x-men is my favorite marvel comic currently, if you decide to check it

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 5 points 3 days ago (1 children)

You were almost a jill sandwich

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 7 points 3 days ago

The Nigerien government has announced the nationalization of a unit of the French uranium company Orano. Its subsidiary Somaïr has been at the center of a standoff that has been ongoing since last year, when the company suspended production at the mine. The announcement was made last week on state television, citing “irresponsible, illegal and disloyal behavior” by the French company. Orano is 90% owned by the French government and has operated mines in the African country for decades.

On the same occasion, the country’s president, Abdourahamane Tchiani, announced the nationalization of the Niger Electricity Company (Nigelec SA). Created as a joint-stock company with a mixed economy, Nigelec is responsible for the production, transmission, and distribution of electricity throughout the country. Its share capital, valued at over 76 billion CFA francs, was held by the state for over 99%, with the remainder being held by several minority shareholders, including the French Development Agency.

Despite public dominance, the company remained autonomous for several decades, with attempts at privatization that never came to fruition.

According to analysts, in addition to the numbers, the lack of adequate energy supply itself motivated the action. For several years, the population of the Sahel country has been faced with recurring power cuts, due to the country’s strong energy dependence on Nigeria.

Hopefully they are able to built up their energy sector to stop their dependence on nigeria

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 6 points 4 days ago (1 children)

I think its because some see themselfs as the one true leftists so they think by not changing their views they are the real deal, its narcissism really

 

June 5th marked the launch of the Nintendo Switch 2, but that very same day (or the day before on other consoles), the highly anticipated continuation of Deltarune, in Chapters 3 and 4, also hit digital shelves.

To help me try and silence those voices and get a few extra hours of sleep, I was graciously given the chance to pepper Deltarune's creator, Toby Fox, with a few of the questions that have been knockin' about in my noggin. Did Toby answer my questions? Yes. Did he also take every opportunity to run in a different direction and troll me? Yes, and yes, but that's truly for you to decide. Did I love every part of his reply? Absolutely. Mild spoilers ahead by the way.

How has it felt releasing your story in chunks/chapters like this, as opposed to a fully complete package and when are you personally hoping to have the final chapter of Deltarune release? Are we cursing you by even asking such a question?

I've never called them chunks. Maybe I should start calling them chunks? Like, here comes Chunk 5. I mean, that would be great if it was a game about cavemen, like Chuck Rock, or Bonk. That being said, I do feel like calling each episode a "Chapter" really undersells the fact that creating each one is like developing its own game. I've made the equivalent of like 2 and a half Undertales at this point. Continuously.

As for when it comes out, it should be out when it's done, which is as soon as it's finished, which, in my opinion, sooner would be better, but it takes a while. If it takes too long everybody is going to say " you're taking too long" and then I'll say "I'm old!" They'll have to revive me

Full article temmie

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 2 points 4 days ago

I didnt know the FF tactics writer was pretty based https://hexbear.net/post/5397666

 

The tactical RPG was originally released on the PlayStation back in 1997, but is getting a modern remaster on PC and consoles called Final Fantasy Tactics: The Ivalice Chronicles, set to arrive on September 30 on PS5, Xbox Series X/S, PS4 and PC.

Speaking to Denfaminicogamer, Yasumi Matsuno – the original script writer, scenario writer and editor for the game – pointed out that its central themes, which were based on the state of the world at the time, remain applicable today.

“This game was made almost 30 years ago, and at that time there were many economic and political problems, such as the bursting of the bubble economy and the Gulf War,” he explained (via machine translation).

“In Japan in particular, the economy worsened due to the after effects of the bubble economy, with many companies going bankrupt, and leading to an ‘ice age’ of employment.

“Final Fantasy Tactics was released in that climate as a work depicting class struggle, with the main theme of ‘the haves’ and ‘the have-nots’. Unfortunately, 30 years have passed since then and the environment surrounding the world has not changed.”

Full Article

[–] thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net 73 points 4 days ago

Major Palestinian Bedouin village faces expulsion by Israeli army and settlers Hexbear Post palestine-heart

Ras Ain al-Ouja is one of the largest Palestinian Bedouin villages in the occupied West Bank. Nestled amid a ridge of high silt hills just north of Jericho city, the village is facing intensified Israeli government-funded settler efforts to expel its residents.

‘They treat us like shit’: Northern Ontario First Nations prepare blockades to fight laws fast-tracking resource extraction Hexbear Post kkkanada

Members of Neskantaga and Attiwapiskat First Nations have begun clearing brush at the point where proposed highways would cross the Attawapiskat River, headed north toward the mineral deposit that’s suspected to hold more than $60-billion worth of critical minerals.

 

Ras Ain al-Ouja is one of the largest Palestinian Bedouin villages in the occupied West Bank. Nestled amid a ridge of high silt hills just north of Jericho city, the village is facing intensified Israeli government-funded settler efforts to expel its residents.

The community’s 1,200 residents are surrounded from all sides by the illegal Yitav settlement and four illegal settler outposts, the most recent of which was built one year ago.

Settlers descend onto the village and raid residents’ homes on a daily basis, physically attacking people, stealing sheep, and terrorizing families. They also took over the nearby spring of Ain al-Ouja, one of the main springs in Palestine and a major water source for the entire area that drew local tourism. Today, all Palestinians are barred from accessing it.

Full Article

 

The resistance to the Ring of Fire is now making camp.

Members of Neskantaga and Attiwapiskat First Nations have begun clearing brush at the point where proposed highways would cross the Attawapiskat River, headed north toward the mineral deposit that’s suspected to hold more than $60-billion worth of critical minerals.

The planned bridge sites are 60 and 70 kilometres east of Neskantaga, and another 100 kilometres southwest from the Eagle’s Nest, the mine site developers expect will begin production first.

Neskantaga Chief Gary Quisess says the action is in response to this month’s passage of Bill 5 and Bill C-5. The provincial and federal laws, respectively, aim to expedite development by overriding existing laws, including environmental guardrails and regulatory frameworks for First Nations consultation and accommodation.

“Things are not going to move until First Nations are consulted,” says Quisess. “Bill 5, Bill C-5, we weren’t consulted. There wasn’t even time for us to review it. Now they want to come in with their ‘special economic zones’ and their ‘projects in the national interest.’ First Nations are suffering. The way it’s going, this is not going to benefit us.”

Full Article

 

Construction is moving rapidly on a controversial migrant detention center deep in the Florida Everglades nicknamed "Alligator Alcatraz," despite growing concerns from Native American tribes who call the area home.

The facility is being built on an old airstrip at the Dade-Collier Training and Transition Airport, roughly an hour and 45 minutes west of Miami. The state is using emergency powers to take over the county-owned land and construct a center that can detain up to 5,000 migrants.

The site is surrounded by wildlife, swampland, and alligators, but it’s also adjacent to Native American land. Members of the Miccosukee Tribe say the project threatens their way of life and the fragile Everglades ecosystem they rely on for food, water, and traditional medicine.

“I started to get upset at the way he described the landscape as if it’s a wasteland,” said Betty Osceola, a Miccosukee tribal member, after comments made by Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier. "He talks about there’s only alligators and pythons out here. And I’m like, what about me? I’m out here. My family’s out here."

Osceola lives about three miles from the site and says the entrance to the new detention center is dangerously close to tribal ceremonial grounds.

"This is our homeland and it’s a fragile ecosystem that needs to be protected,” she said. "I have safety concerns — traffic, air quality, spills, and even access to our sacred sites."

Full Article

 

Many Democratic leaders and donors are panicking about Zohran Mamdani, the 33-year-old democratic socialist who won the party's nomination to be the next mayor of New York City.

Why it matters: Establishment Democrats looking to recover from 2024's losses fear Mamdani could hurt the party's brand nationally — while young progressives believe his formula could spread beyond New York.

Democratic leaders largely rallied behind former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York's mayoral primary, and Mamdani's shocking victory Tuesday was the latest example of the party's establishment being disconnected from many of its own voters.

The top two Democratic leaders in Congress, Sen. Chuck Schumer and Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, both New Yorkers, declined to endorse Mamdani even as they applauded his victory.

New York Rep. Laura Gillen, from Nassau County, called Mamdani the "absolute wrong choice for New York."

Rep. Tom Suozzi, also from Nassau County, said he had "serious concerns."

Reps. Pat Ryan, Josh Riley and Ritchie Torres — who went so far as to say he wouldn't run for governor if Mamdani won — all dodged reporters.

Major Democratic donors — who poured tens of millions into a Super PAC for Cuomo — were having private discussions Wednesday about whether to back an independent run by Cuomo in November's general election, or rally behind unpopular incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, who's also running as an independent

The democrats would rather lose to Republicans than let a DSA social democrat win

 

At least eight killed in deadly Kenya protests: What we know

Several protesters were killed and at least 400 others were wounded on Wednesday when antigovernment protests in the capital, Nairobi turned deadly.

Kenyan officials have not disclosed the number of casualties. Reports from media and rights groups varied, placing the number of dead between eight and 16.

This is the latest outbreak of violence in the East African country where young demonstrators have frequently taken to the streets in recent months to protest myriad issues including police brutality, government corruption and high taxes.

The demonstrations on Wednesday were held to mark the bloody June 25, 2024, protests against tax rises when police opened fire on large numbers of protesters, killing at least 60, according to rights groups

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submitted 5 days ago* (last edited 5 days ago) by thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net to c/indigenous@hexbear.net
 

Earlier this year, it seemed as though the final chapter of Leonard Peltier’s story had been written. The eighty-year-old is serving two consecutive life sentences for the 1975 killing of two F.B.I. agents, Ronald Williams and Jack Coler, which he says he didn’t commit. Having exhausted legal channels for appeal, and been denied parole, it appeared that he would die in prison. But, during the final moments of Joe Biden’s Presidential Administration, Biden commuted Peltier’s sentence to home confinement. Peltier is now home, at the Turtle Mountain Indian Reservation, in North Dakota.

When I called him after he got there, one of the first things he said to me was, “We were at war.” That war had already begun when Peltier was a child. In 1953, when Peltier was nine, Congress passed a bill to terminate his tribe, the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa. The government’s actions were part of an attempt to end the trust status of tribal lands and the protections that came with it. The Red Power Movement, which advocated American Indian political and cultural autonomy, arose to reverse this agenda, and activists such as Peltier came to see themselves as engaged in a twentieth-century battle akin to the one their ancestors staged in the nineteenth century against the tide of western expansion.

In 1972, Peltier joined the American Indian Movement, among the more confrontational Red Power groups, which had been founded, a few years before, by Dennis Banks, Clyde Bellecourt, and others. That fall, AIM helped organize a cross-country caravan called the Trail of Broken Treaties, which ended in the takeover of the Bureau of Indian Affairs headquarters, in Washington, D.C., demanding the repeal of termination legislation and renewing federal treaty relations with tribes. AIM brought together fellow-travellers from different tribes who shared similar life stories and who resolved to turn back the existential threats facing tribal life. Many had been taught to feel shame in Native culture and language at Indian boarding schools; others had been hardened by prison stints or by the harsh realities of urban poverty. All were trying to create meaning out of a life that seemed robbed from them. That meant survival by any means, and, as it had for their ancestors, that sometimes meant picking up a gun.

Full Article Archive

 

We as Lakota people came from the center of the earth, out of what is called Wind Cave, in He Sapa, the Black Hills, the heart of everything and the center of our universe. There are multiple iterations of our creation story, but in one, when we first emerged from the Earth, it was clear there was going to be a lot of hardship, that our people would starve and would not be able to live in this new world. As a sacrifice, the last woman out of the cave transformed into a Buffalo, giving herself to feed the people. From that moment on, our people committed ourselves to honor the Buffalo in gratitude; we had an understanding that we would always take care of each other.

The Buffalo have a lot to teach us. But we are still, as we speak, facing the consequences of the federal government’s genocidal campaign, where they killed the Buffalo, intentionally trying to kill us. And it did kill a lot of us, and it killed a lot of things inside of us. Make no mistake: both were intentional.

When you have a people whose entire social structure is modeled after the Buffalo, an economy modeled after the Buffalo, a food system centered on the Buffalo, and then all of a sudden the Buffalo are not present in our everyday lives—a relationship violently and actively withheld from us, for generations—you can understand that some people may struggle with a sense of purpose.

So, to me, Buffalo restoration isn’t just the next eco-trend or hot new social justice campaign. I see Buffalo restoration as food sovereignty. I see it as language revitalization. I see it as suicide prevention. I see it as an economic alternative to a capitalist society.

I see it as the path towards a healthful Indigenous futurism and the imagination of an otherwise-world. I see it as essential to the continuation of my people on this Earth. It’s not just some romanticized image of Buffalo and Native people; it’s really, truly the core of who we are.

Full Article

 

49-year-old man was being detained 'pending removal proceedings,' according to ICE news release.

A Canadian citizen died while in custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement earlier this week, the agency says.

Johnny Noviello, 49, died in a detention centre in Florida on Monday, an ICE news release says.

The cause of death is unknown and is under investigation, according to the release.

Despite having Canadian citizenship, Noviello had been in the U.S. since 1988 and became a lawful permanent resident in 1991, the release says.

ICE agents arrested Noviello in May and he was being detained "pending removal proceedings," the agency's news release said.

The news release said the Canadian consulate had been notified. CBC News has reached out to Global Affairs Canada for comment.

Noviello's death comes as ICE agents have been making sweeping arrests across the United States.

 

(Salvador Allende Gossens; Valparaíso, 1908 - Santiago de Chile, 1973) Chilean politician, leader of the Socialist Party, of which he was also co-founder in 1933. He was president of Chile from 1970 until the coup d'état led by General Augusto Pinochet on September 11, 1973, the day he died in the Moneda Palace, which was bombed by the coup plotters.

Salvador Allende belonged to a well-to-do middle-class family. He studied medicine and, since his university days, he was part of leftist groups. Later, he alternated his dedication to politics with his professional practice. He participated in the parliamentary election of 1937, and was elected deputy for Valparaíso. He was Minister of Health in Pedro Aguirre Cerda's cabinet between 1939 and 1942. From then on he became the undisputed leader of the socialist party.

In 1952, 1958 and 1962 he ran for the presidential elections. On the first occasion he was temporarily expelled from the party for accepting the support of the communists, who had been outlawed, and came in fourth place. In 1958, with socialist and communist support, he came in second place behind Jorge Alessandri. In the third the result of the presidential elections of September 4, 1964 was clear and definitive with he victory of Eduardo Frei

In parallel with the advance of important social measures, the political panorama during the Frei Montalva administration was one of increasing polarization, even within the Christian Democrat Party, which suffered important divisions, as well as the detachment of sectors of its youth towards positions more closely linked to the left. Finally, the 1969 parliamentary elections showed the new political situation of the country, as their results pointed to the emergence of irreconcilable thirds, largely due to the decrease in support for the political center and the strengthening of left and right-wing options.

This situation was most clearly reflected in the 1970 presidential elections, marked by the confrontation of antagonistic and impossible to reconcile social projects. The alliance of communists, socialists, sectors of radicalism and the MAPU in the called Popular Unity, headed by Allende, was victorious with 36.3% of the votes. The narrow margin of difference with the votes received by the other two candidates, Jorge Alessandri for the right wing and Radomiro Tomic for the Christian Democracy, forced Allende's election to be ratified by the congress, where he faced strong opposition. Finally, on October 24, 1970, after obtaining the support of the Christian Democratic Party with the signing of a Statute of Democratic Guarantees that would be incorporated into the constitutional text, Salvador Allende was proclaimed president.

Allende's presidency

From the date of the beginning of the mandate (November 3), the difficulties that the new government had to face were immense. Even before the presidential inauguration, attempts were made to abort the process, the most serious of which ended with the assassination by an ultra-right-wing commando supported by the CIA of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, General René Schneider, who was a strong supporter of the subordination of military power to civilian power.

In spite of this, the Popular Unity, once in government, undertook the implementation of its plan of action, which emphasized the deepening of the reformist measures initiated by the previous administration. Thus, the volume of expropriated lands was increased and the socialization of important enterprises, until then in private hands, was initiated, which were then managed by workers' cooperatives advised by pro-government officials. In addition, the nationalization of copper was carried out, without payment of indemnities to the North American companies, which meant a confrontation with the United States, which from that moment on openly supported the groups opposed to the socialist government.

In spite of this rigid opposition, Allende's government enjoyed significant support from the citizenry, particularly from the popular sectors, which benefited directly. In effect, the State subsidized a large part of the basic services, in addition to supporting organizations of workers, peasants and urban dwellers in their demands for participation.

This support for Allende's presidency was clearly demonstrated in the parliamentary elections of 1971 and the municipal elections of 1973, in which the Popular Unity parties increased the number of votes. Along with this, the political discourse of the leftist parties became increasingly radical, while the open confrontation with opposition groups became a reality in the streets and indicated a situation of class struggle in their eyes inevitable.

Actions of groups such as the MIR and sectors of the Socialist Party confirmed this diagnosis, considering urgent the creation and strengthening of "Popular Power" instances that would be alternatives to the narrow frameworks that the institutional framework prefixed for a possible construction of a socialist society. This attempt, known as the "Chilean Way to Socialism", received the interest and support of sectors from all over the world, particularly from the Soviet Bloc, Cuba and the Non-Aligned Countries, which translated into the sending of material aid and industrial advisors.

Despite all this, a series of problems further polarized Chilean society under Allende's presidency, largely due to economic causes. Inflation became uncontrollable, since salary increases and State expenditures were financed with the issuance of money without a basis in production, which was diminished and contracted as a consequence of the blockade initiated by the United States and the permanent conflict that many companies were experiencing, in virtual permanent paralysis due to the lack of resources.

This climate of shortages and crisis, encouraged by the different political sectors, resulted in numerous mobilizations in favor and against the Allende government, the most important of which was the stoppage of the El Teniente copper deposit, together with the strike of the transport workers' unions, which practically paralyzed the movement of goods from one point to another in the country. In addition to this, there were conflicts in the university and professional associations (mainly doctors and teachers), which created a deep division in all areas of national life.

Faced with such a situation, the President decided to take, already in 1973, measures that would serve as vehicles for dialogue and negotiation with the Christian Democrat opposition, such as the entry of important military figures to the cabinet, represented by the Commander in Chief, General Carlos Prats, and the offer to hold a plebiscite to consult the citizens on the continuity of the regime or the call for new elections. These measures were followed by a hardening of the most radical positions of the left, which proposed to the President the closing of Congress and the use of Extraordinary Powers to govern.

The right wing and some sectors of Christian Democracy considered the situation unsolvable, so they decided, more or less openly, to resort to the military coup d'état against President Allende. In June 1973 there was a first coup attempt, known as "El Tancazo": an armored regiment in the capital rose up against the government, but the loyal forces, headed by Prats, managed to dominate the situation.

Finally, on September 11, 1973, General Augusto Pinochet led a military coup, during which he bombed the Moneda Palace, the seat of government. President Allende refused the demands of surrender and died in the presidential palace. In 1990 his body was exhumed from the anonymous grave in which he was buried, and received a formal and public burial in Santiago.

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