this post was submitted on 04 Jul 2025
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[–] Gorilladrums@lemmy.world 0 points 4 days ago (1 children)

I'm going to split my response into two separate comments as I feel like we're having two conversations at the same time, and I don't want to mix them up. I'll reply to your criticisms in this reply, and then reply to your answers in another. I originally didn't want to respond to your criticisms at all as our previous conversation is no longer relevant, however, there's a lot that you said that doesn't sit right with me and I just want to set the record straight before I move on. You don't have to reply to this comment if you don't want to, it's just here to voice my disagreements with your criticisms. You can just read and move on to my other comment.

Anyway, my response:

  1. You're conflating two separate statements. I said that if you look at the evolution of human history, you'll quickly find out that states have won out over their alternatives. I think we can both agree (hopefully) that this is an objective statement. My point here is that there have to be reasons why things turned out the way they did, perhaps it's best to understand those reasons instead of dismissing them. My second statement is that states are necessary because they are the most efficient answer we have to govern on a large scale. States provide an institutional framework that allow for stability, order, justice, and large scale organization. Our disagreement on the second statement is the root of our debate. However, as you can see, these two statements aren't used to justify each other, and thus combining the two and calling it circular reasoning is just a misunderstanding on your part.

  2. I take big issue with this criticism specifically because you're being dishonest. My original statement was that "pride is a universal human emotion". That's an objectively true statement. People express pride differently, people are proud of different things, and different cultures have different ideas about it. However, all humans have it. You have it, I have it, we all do. It's like happiness, sadness, or anger. The entire reason why I said this in the first place is to make the point that patriotism is a reflection of a universal human emotion. Keep in mind, I am not saying that patriotism is a universal trait, just that it's a form in which an actual universal trait, pride, manifests itself.

If you disagreed with the notion that patriotism is a reflection of pride, then that's fine, we could have had a discussion about it. However, you chose to sideline my point in favor of taking up the position that pride is not a universal emotion, and specifically focusing on the literal meaning "universal". However, this focus was just the red herring fallacy. You were focusing on a minor detail to distract from the point being made. If you actually want to double down on the notion that pride is not a universal human emotion then we're moving past political opinions and entering the realm of science, and that means that you have to actually show me an academic study that counters the established science (example). It's why I pointed out that your anecdotes don't mean much in this case.

Now, I don't think it's that deep and I don't think you're going to double down on this position, but I do think our exchange about this specific point up until now has been particularly frustrating because it's unnecessary. I'm sure you understood what I meant from the beginning because it was a very simple point.

  1. Theory and practice are intertwined. Anarchy is a failure in practice because it's a flawed ideology in theory. It's like talking to a islamists. They'll tell you that islamic rule produces utopias... so you point out examples of it being a complete failure... then they start talking about that's not "real" islam and how the quran is perfect... so you start pointing out the flaws in the quran to explain the connection. I'm not saying you're doing this, but I'm just pointing out that trying to pretend that theory and practice and are two entirely separate categories is silly.

Also, I find it weird how you're accusing me of engaging in bad faith by saying I'm turning your arguments into strawmans, when the first example you gave is just you not following the chain of responses. You said that I didn't answer why the legitimacy of violence isn't an arbitrary choice. Well, let's find out why:

Original topic: whether or not someone supporting their country is radical.

Your response: someone supporting their country means supporting the monopoly of violence and that's radical

Me: monopoly of violence isn't inherently radical as it exists to regulate force which prevents chaos

You: all types of violence is radical and adding the distinction between regulated and unregulated force is arbitrary

Me: the distinction is the point, and the difference between regulated and unregulated violence is the difference between chaos and stability

You: distinctions in general are arbitrary in nature

Me: the distinction is critical as not all violence is equal, regulated violence by a society helps establish order which prevents unnecessary violence while unregulated violence by individuals does the opposite

And that was the last direct reply. Notice how the my responses directly respond to your responses? Notice how the conversation got specific but didn't go off topic? Notice how you never asked me why the legitimacy of violence is not an arbitrary choice nor was that ever brought up? That means I didn't misinterpret what you said, therefore I didn't strawman you. If you felt like you need to add clarification or nuance or ask that either of me then just do that, but don't call my direct responses to your points as strawman arguments when they're not.

  1. There's three parts to this. First, you're trying to pass off your opinions as facts. What you define as stable and orderly and what I define as stable and orderly are clearly different, and that's fine, but we still have to acknowledge that they're opinions. Take the Spanish anarchists as an example, the whole experiment lasted a granted total of 3 years. During this time, there was A LOT of internal fighting between the different types of anarchists as well as communists and republicans. A lot of people tried to enforce their own justice and take governance into their own hands and thousands of people died because of this. A lot of anarchist leaders ended up joining the republican government which undermined the very movement they led. The lack of centralization led to piss poor coordination which led to the anarchists to get absolutely crushed by Franco's fascist troops. If this is what you define as stable and orderly then I don't want to know what you consider to be unstable and disorderly.

Second, Makhnovshchina was not truly anarchist. They had an actual government that was backed by a military. So they had a full monopolization of violence and everything. The Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine stayed as the de facto government for 5 years until the bolsheviks took over. That's the reason why they were more functional than their anarchist counterparts elsewhere, like in Spain for example.

Third, similar to the point I made earlier, the failures of anarchy are intertwined. Anarchy collapses on itself because it lacks the means to do what a functional government can, and that is to maintain order, organize the people to do large scale projects, and defend itself and it's people. Because of this, anarchy will always result in another, more centralized form of government from crushing it and taking its place. The only way anarchy can work in the real world is if everybody in the world magically agreed to leave the anarchists alone, if some major power decided to protect them for some reason, or if there's extreme levels of chaos and dysfunction in a society. Since none of these options are realistic or sustainable, anarchy is simply not capable of being a viable alternative to a state. I don't think that's a contradictory position.

[–] Takapapatapaka@tarte.nuage-libre.fr 1 points 3 days ago (1 children)

Thanks for the splitted answer, it is a very nice choice. So here we go on the meta-discussion, cuz i think we still have disagreements on the nature of what we both said.

A - The circular reasoning

We indeed agree on the fact that human history shows that states have won out over their alternatives during the last 5 000 years, approximatively.

You seem to pretend that i dismiss the causes of this. As i said two comments ago in the summary, i simply hold a different explanation : you think states dominate because they're efficcient for stability, i think states dominate because they prey on other forms of organization. If you really think i dismiss this, i just give another explanation.

I maintain the circular reasoning part : to sum up how you turned it in your last answer, you say 1) states are the norm because states are necessary, and 2) states are necessary because they have advantages. But why do they have advantages that the other forms of governement do not have ? Your proof before that was "there is only states that succeed, the other forms disappear". So you just add one step, but in the end it's the same thing : on one hand, you explain the dominance of state by their necessity, on the other you explain their necessity by their advantages, which are prooved by their dominance. Either i misunderstand some part of your position, either it is circular.

B - The pride & the pride of being part of something greater

I owe you an apology here, as my last comment taken as is was indeed focusing on pure pride. I should have added that not only did i claim only some people lack it and not humanity as a collective, but more than that, i did not talk about pure pride, but "pride of being part of something greater", which we both agree is less common than pride itself. I don't know why i didnt, probably just skipped to another part. This makes my strawmaning complaint stronger though.

C - Practice and theory

I dont say that practice and theory are entirely separate categories. They are different level of debate though, and you cannot answer one with the other. You can support one with the other, but not answer one with the other. To explain better, in your example of anarchy being a failure, there should be an actual problem (misorganization, miscommunication, etc) that leads to anarchy failure, and this problem could be linked to theory. Exactly as you said in your islamists example, the actual problems of islamists systems can be linked to qoran theory.

Funnily enough, the point i criticize you for is exactly what you criticize islamists for : when you give an answer on the practical side, they jump to the theoric side, and vice-versa. It's strange that you can see that for them, but not for you.

D - Strawmaning

There is a misunderstanding here. My accusation of strawmaning is on the pride part, not on the arbitrary distinction of how to classify violence.

E - On historical matters

Thanks for acknowledging the historical examples. We indeed have a very different definition of stability and order (especially on political unstability, and internal fighting), but it's not the only explanation to our difference of explanation here.

One of them is the way you attribute the causes of events. When you say "Anarchists were crushed by Franco's fascist troops", it seems that you take it as a proof that anarchy leads to unstability. But to my eyes, the people responsible for unstability here are the state troops. I guess the first one is true on a broader sense, and the second one on this specific situation.

Another one is on the knowledge we have of it : i'm not sure what you mean by A lot of people tried to enforce their own justice and take governance into their own hands and thousands of people died because of this.. If it's about war, yes, anarchist armies are as other armies, they cause a lot of useless death. If it's about something else, i'd be glad to learn about it !

Last one is a bit of nuance, especially on the Ukrainian part : there was indeed a system of governement backed by an active military, and this leads to a form of monopolization of violence. But i would not call it a full monopolization of violence, as the military government did not take every decision, and let the regional committees take a lot of decisions, and the local soviets organize freely. Also, all of those systems (both military and governement) were organized along anarchist principles : direct election of delegates, immediate recall, autodiscipline (this one specific to army). To be clear, what i challenge precisely is : the extent of centralization of power (it existed, but it was quite diminished compared to actual state), the extent of monopolization of violence (it existed, but as there were fewer decision to enforce, the monopolization was less important), the non-anarchist aspect of the movement (it is clearly an anarchist movement using partially non-anarchist methods (but not only non-anarchist methods)).

Lastly, and i'm sorry to bring the language part again, but here you're giving good examples that the examples i gave were far from perfect. But the point you made before was that you never get stability or order at any point. I claim that you did, during a few months in the Commune, a few years in some regions of Spain, and by short intermittences during the Ukrainian revolution. Sure, it's not much. And the reason why it's such little is another topic we discussed. But not much is not the same as nothing. This is, i think, the main explanation of our disagreement here, beyond slight adjustments (causes, knowledge, nuances). In the end, we are saying the same thing : i say "there is a little bit of stability and order", you say "there is not much stability and order".

[–] Gorilladrums@lemmy.world 1 points 10 hours ago (1 children)

Circular reasoning

The argument in question doesn’t rely on circular reasoning because it presents two distinct claims that serve different purposes. First, it observes that states have historically outlasted alternative systems, suggesting this dominance may reflect functional advantages. Second, it asserts that states are necessary because they provide stability, order, and large scale governance. These aren’t self reinforcing statements; rather, they work together inductively: one offers historical evidence, the other draws a normative conclusion. Dismissing this framework as circular misunderstands the logic, it's not assuming what it sets out to prove but reasoning from historical prevalence to present utility.

If I said "states are necessary because they exist" then that would indeed be circular logic because the conclusion is essentially assumed in the premise, and you would be correct in your critique. However, that's not what I'm doing. I said "The historical dominance of states suggests they serve functional advantages, which is why they are necessary." That's not circular, that's inductive reasoning. I'm using historical evidence to support my claims.

Pride

I think we're mostly on the same page here, so I think we can just move on. I'm glad we're on the same page.

Practice and theory

It seems we both agree that theory and practice are connected, but we might be framing that relationship differently. My aim wasn’t to suggest that practice alone answers theory, but that repeated failures in practice can point to deeper issues in the ideology itself, especially when those failures are consistent across different contexts. You're right that analyzing practical failure should involve identifying specific problems like disorganization or poor communication. That is exactly where theory becomes relevant. Many of these issues stem from key anarchist principles, such as a rejection of hierarchy or centralized coordination. In this case, I am not shifting between unrelated levels. I am showing how the theoretical framework can produce structural vulnerabilities. Similarly, in the example involving Islamism, pointing out widespread governance issues can reasonably lead to a closer inspection of the ideological foundations that might contribute to those outcomes.

Strawmanning

It's interesting because I felt like a lot of your arguments were strawmans of my arguements. For example, when you summarized my positions, you gave me different stances from what I held. I thought it was intentional like I did with your pride arguments, however, I'm understanding now that it's not intentional. I feel like it's the same for me. I probably did mischaracterized a few of your arguments, so I am going to concede this point. However, I would like to point out that any misrepresentation comes from a point of misunderstanding rather than malice.

History

  1. Franco - My point with the anarchist getting destroyed isn't about responsibility, the nationalists were clearly responsible for destroying the anarchist. We're in agreement on that part. My point is that anarchy lacks the means of self preservation because it fundamentally opposes the mechanisms that provide for common defense like a centralized organization and monopoly of violence. Because of this, anarchy is inherently prone to getting destroyed by external forces compared to other ideologies and systems.

  2. Anarchy related deaths - I'm mostly referring to the Red Terror in Spain. I understand that the Anarchists were not the only groups in the Republican faction, however, they were still a significant part of it like the FAI and CNT for example. I also understand that there was a lot of infighting amongst the Republican faction between Stalinists, republicans, socialists, and anarchists. However, specifically in the the anarchist controlled portions of Spain, there was still a lot of violence caused by mobs and individuals carrying out their own justice, and that led to the deaths of thousands.

  3. Ukraine - I mean what you're describing to me here sounds like a textbook de facto state. States exist in a spectrum where one extreme end is defined by totalitarian authoritarianism where the states controls every aspect of life and society and the other extreme end is anarchy where there is no state. Most states, operate somewhere between the two extremes. Ukraine at this time was a state that leaned closer to anarchy on the spectrum without actually being anarchy. We both agree that Ukraine at this time had state like attributes like a military, a system of governance, and common law. My point isn't that Ukraine under the RIAU wasn't influenced by anarchist principles, it clearly was, but I'm saying that using this an example of anarchy being functional isn't accurate because it wasn't actually anarchist and it's sustained functionality can be directly attributed to its state like apparatus.

  4. Language - I mean that's a fair point actually, I'll concede this point because we are essentially arguing the same thing from different ends. I suppose a few years, months, or even weeks is still not nothing, and so I suppose you're right in this sense. However, I still stand by the notion that previous anarchist attempts in history have not demonstrated enough sustainability to be considered a viable alternative to the state.

Circular reasoning

It's probably the last point of disagreement we have, so it's quite sad to start with it. Anyway, though it was badly presented before, i think i'm still legitimate to maintain my circular reasoning claim, even or especially after your explanation.

I agree that throughout our discussion, you made those two separate points.

  1. D->S : Domination of states implies Stability of states.
  2. S->N : Stability of states implies Necessity of states. (or, as you put it, necessity of states because of advantages of states).

What's missing here, and that i have confused with Necessity of states (N) previously, is the People desire for stability (P), alognside with the assumption that what what people desire is necessary. Effectively, Stability does not imply necessity, it needs something else that says "X is necessary" and "X needs stability". I assume this X to be what the people desires, from the part We live in a world where people want stability and order. This is the proposition that makes the thing circular : People desire for stability (P) both needs to imply Domination (D) (as in We live in a world where people want stability and order.), and to be implied by D (as in stability [...] is what humanity favors given our history). D->P gives the strength of D to P, but for that it needs P->S->D to show the Domination is linked with people desires and not just another variable.

It is legitimate to make such a move, since there is a need to put a cause for domination of states, because if it was a bad one (like states are a predatory and self-perpetuating form of organization), then the consequences of it would inherit this bad foundation. My point is that the cause for domination that you can give are also deduced from this domination.

Pride

Not sure we actually are on the exact same page, but anyway we would be close enough. Thanks for expressing your content, it is shared.

Practice/Theory

To be fair, my point on practice/theory has been dismissed by your further comments, and only applies to what you said before. I should have pointed it out, my bad on this point too. Though i disagree with your linking of anarchists problems of coordination/communication and anarchist theory, i admit it is not unfounded and is a proper example of linking theory and practice properly. It was missing before, i think you'll convene of this. Therefore, i think we can also say we're on the same page now on this point too !

Strawmanning

I agree with most of your paragraph, especially on the misunderstanding rather than malice. The bad faith accusation i have made were pointing out a (alleged) lack of will to understand properly rather than a will to misrepresent. I have made similar errors, like my summarization, though if i recall correctly, it was not that wrong (some errors were minor, bigger errors like "current states" instead of "states in general" were a formulation error that didn't matter much for argumentation). I apologize for this one along others : if it's something you'd like to do, i'd be glad to have a list of the points i strawmaned. I'll try to refrain myself for discussing if they are strwman or not, i'd just like to see what i misunderstood.

History

  1. This is an excellent summary of your point. I think it kinda misses mine, which was the cause/consequences rather than the responsability. When confronted about fascists destroying anarchists, the causation is for you that anarchists lack the mechanisms to resist, and is for me that states structures are dangerous. Both can be (and probably are) true at the same time, the question is on which to put the emphasis., and that's where we differ.

I also disagree on the association of actual problems in Spain with necessary flaws in theory, reporting them on the practical difficulties that were to face (urgency of the situation, lack of international support, chaos inherited from the failed coup d'état, etc.). That said, i concede that your deduction from the Spanish case of anarchist flaws remains legitimate and well-founded.

  1. On the Red Terror, i thank you for bringing this to my knowledge, i did not know the detail of it. Your summary is very good, and i would just add that from what i just learned, it seems that those violences existed on the Nationalist side too, directed at reds, and that the Red Terror on the Republican side ultimately was turned against anarchist and non-stalinist themselves. We both agree that anarchists committed and failed to prevent atrocities.

  2. I think we both agree that if Revolutionary Ukraine was a state, it would be the form of state closest to anarchy, and if it was anarchy, it would be the form of anarchy closest to state. The nitpicking would be about whether or not it crossed the line. I support that it did, and my arguments are that i do not have example of organizations defined as state with a military based on volunteering, election of officers and autodiscipline, and with a decision system based on federalism and immediate recall of mandatees. But in the end it really is nitpicking, and if we agree on the first part, it's more than okay i think.

  3. Thanks for expressing the concession. I note and accept your stance that the low level of stability of anarchists experiments is not enough for you.